Five
national channels now serve a Spanish population of 39.4 million
and a television audience of 29.2 million. Of these five, two, TVE-I
and TVE-2 are state-owned, financed by subsidy and advertising.
Antena -3 and Telecinco are private channels, financed by advertising);
Canal+ is private, financed by subscription.
Eight regional channels also contribute to the Spanish television
environment: TV-3 and Canal 33 (financed by advertising and subsidy
of Catalan government); Canal Sur (financed by advertising and subsidy
of Andalusian government); Telemadrid: (property of Madrid regional
government, financed by advertising and bank loans); Canal 9 (financed
by advertising and subsidy of Valencian government); TVG (financed
by advertising and subsidy of Galician government); ETB-I and ETB-2
(financed by advertising and subsidy of Basque government). Projects
for cable television in the year 2000 speculate that 3 million TV
households will be connected with 1 million subscribing. By that
year, Spain will have exceeded nine decades of broadcasting.
In
1908, the Spanish government enacted a law that gave the central
state the right to establish and exploit "all systems and apparatuses
related to the so-called 'Hertzian telegraph,' 'ethereal telegraph,
'radiotelegraph,' and other similar procedures already invented
or that will be invented in the future." Scattered experiments in
radiowave communication evolved into regular broadcasts by 1921
with such events as Radio Castilla's program of concerts from the
Royal Theater of Madrid. In 1924, the first official license for
radio was granted, and all experimental stations were ordered to
cease broadcasting and request state authorization. The first "legal"
radio broadcast began in Barcelona and, like most radio programs
that preceded the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), it was started up
by private investors to make a profit. The broadcasting law of 1934
defined radio as "an essential and exclusive function of the state"
and was amended in 1935 to confirm that all "sounds and images already
in use or to be invented in the future" would be established and
exploited by the state.
The
government of the Second Republic (1931-39) kept centralized control
over spectrum allocation and the diffusion of costly high-power
transmitters, while it encouraged independent operators to install
low-power transmitters for local radio. Radio spread with investments
in urban zones, and only one significant private chain, the Union
Radio, showed signs of economic concentration. The conditions of
the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) halted the growth of independent
radio when broadcasters were transformed into voices of military
propaganda on both sides of the conflict. The leader of the fascist
insurgents, Francisco Franco, ordered the nationalization of all
radio stations under the direction of the new state, and the existing
collection of transmitters merged into a state-controlled network
called Radio Nacional de Espana. Use of the distinct idioms of Basque,
Catalan, Galician was outlawed, and new laws aimed at the press
gave the Ministry of the Interior full power to suppress communication
which "directly, or indirectly, may tend to reduce the prestige
of the Nation or Regime, to obstruct the work of the government
of the new State, or sow pernicious ideas among the intellectually
weak."
The
first public demonstration of television took place in Barcelona
in 1948 as part of a promotion by the multinational communications
firm Philips. Experiments continued until October of 1956, when
the first official TV broadcast appeared on an estimated six hundred
television sets in Madrid--the program consisted of a mass conducted
by Franco's chaplain, a speech by the Minister of Information and
Tourism commemorating the twenty year regime, and a French language
documentary. Much of the early programming came from the U.S. Embassy,
but there were also live transmissions of variety and children's
shows, and a news program was started in 1957. By 1958 there were
approximately thirty thousand TV sets in Madrid. From the beginning,
Television Espanola (TVE) was supported by advertising, although
it also received subsidies derived from a luxury tax on television
receivers. In 1959, TVE reached Barcelona via terrestrial lines,
where a second studio was soon installed. At the end of the decade,
there were fifty thousand sets in use. Through Eurovision, Spanish
viewers joined European viewers in an audience of some fifty million,
and one of the first images they shared was the historic meeting
in Madrid between Franco and Eisenhower. By 1962, TVE claimed its
sole VHF channel covered 65% of the Spanish territory and was viewed
regularly by one percent of the population.
Television was a strictly urban phenomenon at this time, and there
were only two production centers, one in Madrid and one in Barcelona.
Transmissions originated from Madrid and were relayed in one direction
to the rest of the territory. In 1964, a modern studio and office
building were erected in Madrid to commemorate the 28th anniversary
of the regime, and a year later, a second channel (TVE-2, UHF) with
production studios located in Madrid and Barcelona, began testing.
In 1965, the luxury tax on television sets was eliminated, making
advertising the major resource for TVE-I and TVE-2. Estimates put
yearly advertising investment in television at $1 million by the
early 1960s, while airtime increased from 28 to 70 hours a week
between 1958 and 1964, rising to 110 hours in 1972. Advertising
income for TVE multiplied one-hundred times between 1961 and 1973,
reaching estimated totals of over $100 million
.
In the early 1970s, new regional centers were constructed in Bilbao,
Oviedo (Asturias), Santiago de Compostela (Galicia), Valencia, and
Seville (Andalusia). The entire system was finally united with radio
in 1973 and was placed under the management of one state-owned corporation,
Radio Television Espanola (RTVE). The regional circuit was wired
into a highly centralized network in which all regional broadcasts
were obliged to pass through Madrid. The only centers with the capacity
to produce programs of any length were those in Barcelona and the
Canary Islands. Though the records of RTVE management during the
Franco dictatorship are unreliable, one study for 1976 reported
that the Barcelona center contributed 3% of the total broadcast
hours, followed by the center at Las Palmas in the Canary Islands
at 2.9%. The rest transmitted a negligible amount of 1.8 to 1.85%
of the total. The one way flow from the center to the regions was
an effect of the Franco regime's centralism, which kept the regional
centers (other than Barcelona and Las Palmas) from connecting with
Madrid.
Television
in Spain changed radically in the years following the death of Francisco
Franco in 1975. In 1980, the government enacted a reform statute
which established norms to ensure that a plurality of political
parties would control RTVE. The Statute of RTVE also stipulated
that broadcasting should be treated as an essential public service
and that it should defend open and free expression. The Statute
called for the upgrading of the regional circuit with a view to
this becoming the basis for a network of television stations operated
by regional governments, whose recognition in the constitution of
1978 was part of the reorganization of Spain as a "State of the
Autonomies." The parliaments of the newly formed autonomous governments
of the Basque Country and Catalonia founded their own television
systems--the Basques in May 1982, the Catalans a year later. These
actions resulted in the most decisive change in the broadcast structure
since radio was nationalized during the Spanish Civil War, as they
contravened existing laws that gave the central state the right
to control all technology using the electromagnetic spectrum. In
response, the central government enacted the Third Channel Law in
1984 in order to regulate the establishment of any additional networks
in the regions.
The
Third Channel Law was designed to stabilize the process of decentralization
of the television industry, and it was based in the principle of
recognition for the cultures, languages, and communities within
the Spanish territory--suppressed during the forty-year Franco dictatorship.
The law stipulated that regional networks remain under the state's
control and within the RTVE infrastructure. Parliaments in Catalonia,
the Basque Country, and Galicia resisted control by the central
state and set up technical structures that ran parallel to, but
separate from, the national network. Despite ongoing legal battles
between the central state and the regions over rights of access
to regional airwaves and rights of ownership of the infrastructure,
eleven autonomous broadcast companies have been founded, six of
which were broadcasting regularly by 1995. In 1989, the directors
of these systems agreed to merge into a national federation of autonomous
broadcasters, known as the Federation of Autonomous Radio and Television
Organizations (FORTA).
Between
1975 and 1990, Spanish television emerged from a system of absolute
state control to a regulated system in which both privately- and
publicly-owned channels compete for advertising sales within national
and regional markets. This structure was completed with the development
of the 1988 law and technical plan for private television. The law
furnished three licenses for the bidding of private corporations,
a three-phase framework for the extension of universal territorial
coverage, and restrictions on legal ownership to promote multiple
partnerships, rather than monopoly control, and to limit foreign
ownership. The technical plan created an independent public company,
Retevision, to manage the network infrastructure, abolishing RTVEs
economic and political control over the airwaves. Today all broadcasters
must pay an access fee to use the public infrastructure. Regular
transmissions from the private companies began in 1990.
The
signals of state-owned Television Espanola cover 98.5 % of the territory
with its first channel and 94.7 percent with its second. Privately
owned stations, Antena-3 and Telecinco, cover 80% of the territory,
as does the subscription service Canal+, which has 1 million subscribers.
On the regional scale, TV-3 and Canal 33 cover Catalonia with Catalan
language programs, having significant spillover into contiguous
regions and parts of France, reaching beyond their official audience
of 5.8 million. Canal Sur covers the Andalusian audience of 6.7
million.
Telemadrid,
owned by the regional government of Madrid, reaches an official
audience of 4.8 million. Valencia's Canal 9's 3.7 million viewers
can watch programs in Valenciano, a language similar to Catalan.
Signals of TVG in Galicia spill over into northern Portugal and
parts of Asturias in Spain, taking Galician language programming
to more than the region's 2.6 million viewers. ETB-I and ETB-2 cover
the Basque Country, and parts of surrounding provinces to reach
beyond the official audience of 2 million; notably ETB-I broadcasts
in the Basque language (Euskera), while ETB-2 does so in Spanish.
Ninety-eight
percent of Spanish households have a television set, 86% have a
color receiver (in contrast, 76% have a radio). In 1980, only one
percent of Spanish households had a VCR, today 42% of them do, and
in over 10% of them a video is watched each day. On average, Spaniards
watch about three and a half hours of television a day, mostly in
the afternoon and late evening hours. They are shown films 25.9%
of the time, followed by series (15.4%), kids programs (12%), news
(11.2%), musicals and variety shows (10%), sports (9.2%), and game
shows and other programs (16.3%). Since 1993, the categories of
programs they watched most often were soccer, sitcoms, reality TV
shows, tabloid interview shows, and films or teleseries. The largest
audience in every yearly account watches a soccer match on TVE.
In 1993, the second and third largest audiences watched live broadcasts
of political debates between the Spanish president and the opposition
leader on private TV channels. A reality-TV show on TVE-I, Quien
sabe donde, based on the American sensationalist format of true
crime and human curiosities, consistently ranks among the top five
most watched programs. Also among the leading formats is Lo que
necesitas es amor, which spotlights "plain folks" and their
concerns and pleasures about intimacy and sexuality. The American
films or teleseries most watched in 1994 were Pretty Woman, Scarlett,
Doctor Quinn, and Police Academy Two; a Spanish teleseries
bettered the American competition once in 1994, though with a smaller
audience than Pretty Woman. Spaniards also like to watch a situation
comedy called Farmacia en guardia, about neighborhood life
that centers around a family-run pharmacy. These preferences vary
in each of the six regions where regional broadcasters compete with
national programming.
The
period 1990 to 1994 shows a trend of equalization of audience shares
among the major national networks, with decreases in TVE-I and 2
probably caused by increases in Antena-3 and Telecinco. TVE-2's
decline began with the establishment of the regional systems, though
in the most recent "war over audiences," TVE-2 lost significant
numbers to the private channels. On the regional scale, the companies
of the autonomous communities have retained a stable audience, though
the aggregate figures hide the dominance of the Catalan (TV3 and
Canal 33) and Madrid (Telemadrid) systems within FORTA. Figures
for municipal and local television stations (there are over 100
in Catalonia alone) are not represented, as they are as yet insignificant
on the national register.
TVE-1,
Telecinco, and Antena-3 attract over 70% of the advertising investments
made in commercial television in Spain. Antena-3 rose to the top
of the ratings in 1994, an advance that translated into a 65% increase
in its advertising revenues over figures for 1992. TVE's subsidy
has not helped it overcome the growing debt of the company, despite
its stable position in the market. In contrast, the private firms
have been profitable. One reason for this is the presence of foreign
and finance capital in their ownership structure, which support
the firms with larger film and video libraries and easier access
to foreign currencies. This support became increasingly important
following the inflationary spiral that was initiated when European
financial markets destabilized in June 1992--by the end of 1994,
the value of the peseta had fallen about 30% against the values
of the dollar and the deutsche mark, and the trend continued into
1995.
Telecinco is owned by Silvio Berlusconi (25%), the Leo Kirch Group
of Munich (25%), Radiotelevision Luxembourg (19%), the French investor
Jacques Hachuel (10%), the Bank of Luxembourg (8%), and Spanish
investors, who hold the remainder. The ownership of Antena-3 TV
is more complicated with Grupo Zeta and Renvir holding 25% each,
the bank Banesto with 10%, the French company, Bouygues, with 15%,
and Invacor and Corpoban sharing 25%. The Spanish investor, Antonio
Asensio, controls nearly 70% of Grupo Zeta, while the banks which
helped him finance this control, Banco Central Hispano and Banesto,
hold about 12.5% each. Banesto's media holdings were being divested
in 1995 after its president was arrested and charged with fraud
and illegal trading. The British conglomerate Cable and Wireless
is also a major shareholder of Bouygues Telecom. Antonio Asensio
also has indirect holdings of Antena-3 through his investment shell
companies Renvir, Corpoban, and Invacor. Canal+ has remained stable
since its founding: 25% belongs to the Spanish media conglomerate,
PRISA, 25% to Canal Plus France, with about 42% divided among Spanish
banks. PRISA owns the largest daily newspaper in Spain, El Pais,
as well as a leading popular commercial radio station. PRISA also
has holdings in Britain (The Independent), Portugal, France,
Germany (with Bertelsmann in the German pay-TV service, Premiere),
and Mexico (La Prensa).
In anticipation of the enactment of a 1995 cable regulation, foreign
and national firms are forming large consortia. Among the national
firms positioning themselves for the future cable market are the
leading banks, the largest electrical power companies, the national
phone company, the national network Retevision, construction firms,
regional press groups, the regional governments, and the private
TV operators. Among foreign investors are Time Warner, US West,
Sprint, TCI, Bell Atlantic, Cable and Wireless, and the various
investors active in the commercial television market. Notable aspects
of the draft legislation include municipal control over the demarcation
of markets within cities, protection of intellectual property rights,
and the stipulation that operators must carry and pay for the terrestrial
output of all national and regional channels.
Audiovisual
production from the U.S. accounts for practically all the imported
programs on the public and private networks. Estimates for 1993
are that one out of every five programs on TVE-I, TVE-2, and Telemadrid
is from the United States, the rest are Spanish. For Telecinco and
Antena-3, two out of every five programs are from the United States,
the rest are Spanish. These ratios show an improvement over 1990
figures when imports took up 40% of the program schedule on TVE-1,
33% on Andalusia's Canal Sur, 34% on Catalonia's TV-3, 35% on Galicia's
TVG, and 39% on the Basque ETB-1. In 1990, Telemadrid showed twice
as many U.S. programs as it did Spanish ones, while a ratio of one
to one could be seen on Valencia's Canal 9, the Basque ETB-2, and
the two private channels.
Language
is a key characteristic of the Spanish TV culture. The regional
firms in the Basque Country, Galicia, Catalonia, and Valencia were
founded with the objective of fomenting the language and culture
in the regions. In Galicia, 99% of the people understand Gallego,
but only 14% actually prefer to watch TV in Gallego. Estimates are
that 95% of the people in Catalonia understand Catalan, though only
a third of the Catalans watch programs exclusively in the idiom.
Up to 90% of the people in Valencia understand Valenciano, a linguistic
cousin of Catalan, but 12% like TV only in Valenciano. In the Basque
County, as many as half of the people claim to understand Euskera,
but only one-fifth of the Basques show strong preferences for their
TV in Euskera. These figures are dwarfed by the scale of the national
population, where practically 100% of the people understand Spanish.
Despite the linguistic, territorial, and financial limitations affecting
the regional networks, they manage to retain a stable audience of
viewers because of the political and cultural history of centralism
in Spanish communication. Both for the managers and audiences of
these systems, the presence of the local idiom alongside Spanish
recalls the multilingual identity of the regions and helps sustain
a sense of place as Spain positions itself within the European Union
and opens its borders to globalized audiovisual production.
-Richard
Maxwell
Bustamante,
Enrique. "TV and Public Service in Spain: A Difficult Encounter."
Media, Culture and Society (London), January 1989.
Maxwell,
R. The Spectacle of Democracy: Spanish Television. Nationalism,
and Political Transition. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1994.
Villagrasa,
J. M. "Spain: the Emergence of Commercial Television." In, Silj,
A., editor. The New Television in Europe. London: John Libbey,
1992.