The birth of the television era in Taiwan began when China Broadcasting
Corporation (CBC) brought the Presidential Inauguration live to
50 television screens in May of 1960. This event also began the
extensive political influence of the three terrestrial broadcasting
systems on all facets of life in the country. Taiwan Television
Enterprise (TTV), the first network, was established in 1962 with
a significant transfer of Japanese expertise and an initial 40%
investment by the four leading Japanese electronic firms. China
Television Company (CTV) was launched with exclusively domestic
financing in 1969, and Chinese Television System (CTS) was transformed
from an educational to a general broadcasting service in 1971. Two
and a half decades later, these three networks remain dominated
by their stockholders which are, respectively, the Taiwan Provincial
Government, the political party Kuomintang, and the Ministries of
Defense and Education. Ideological control, exercised by these major
underwriters, remains apparent in both news and entertainment programming.
In order to claim its political legitimacy over local Taiwanese
politics, for example, the KMT government pronounced Mandarin as
the official language in Taiwan end restricted the use of Fukienese
to only 20% of television programming, despite the fact that it
was used by the vast majority of the population in the 1960s.
Since the development of a political movement by the opposition
party in the early 1980s, the KMT government has been under pressure
to begin relaxation of its media monopoly. Opposition leaders fought
for alternative voices with a massive wave of print media publications,
followed by the creation of numerous underground radio broadcasting
stations. Government crackdown on these activities proved ineffective
when many opposition party members were voted into the Legislature
and the movement was backed by a significant number of intellectuals.
In 1995, the Taipei City Government, headed by a renowned Democratic
Progress Party (DPP) leader, fought for a 30% share of TTV by threatening
to block a signal license renewal. Ultimately, the attempt was dropped
in exchange for a good-will promise on the part of TTV to tone down
its political partisanship. Furthermore, the Legislature passed
a regulation in 1996 which raises every terrestrial station's annual
license fee from NT $60,000 to NT $10 million (exchange rate USD=NT
$27.5) effective immediately.
All
these recent developments signal a passing of a television monarchy
controlled by the three networks, which coincides with the emergence
of the Fourth Channel, an abbreviated name for all the underground
cable systems and channels. This Fourth Channel surfaced as a powerful
media alternative in 1994 with the official launch of TVBS and its
landmark call-in program 2100 All Citizens Talk. A fourth
official national television network is also in development, its
license granted to People's Broadcasting Corporation, which consists
largely of supporters of the opposition party, DPP. It is scheduled
to be on air in February of 1997, one year earlier than originally
planned.
When
the fourth channel begins programming it, like the other broadcasters,
will turn to one of three types of sources for content: internal
production by the networks, contracted domestic production by independent
production companies, and foreign imports. The Government rules
that foreign imports should not exceed 30% of the total daily programming
hours and all foreign programs are required to use either Chinese
voice-over or Chinese subtitles. CTS is particularly known for its
effort in "localizing" its entertainment programming and the network
wrote television history in 1994 when it first mixed Mandarin with
Fukienese in its 8:00 P.M. prime-time drama series, When Brothers
Meet. Instead of the never-ending Romeo and Juliet-style of
love and hate romance, this program established a brand new drama
genre in which real-life conflicts were re-created in the context
of real-life societal events. When Brothers Meet not only
took the lead in the television prime-time ratings, it also began
a continuing success in television drama for CTS.
With
the exception of news, all television programs are subject to review
by the Government Information Office (GIO). Even in newsrooms, however,
self-censorship is practiced. Commercial air time--advertising--is
limited to ten minutes per hour on terrestrial systems. Cable systems
are limited to six minutes per hour and coalition efforts are underway
for some regional satellite broadcasters to unite in protesting
the government's preferential treatment of the free-to-air terrestrials.
In other areas, however, cable has its own advantages. Cigarette
and liquor commercials are barred from free-to-air stations, yet
in 1996 commercials for liquor have been allowed on cable after
9:00 P.M.
Such
regulations are truly significant in economic terms. While 99.9%
of the country receives broadcast television and 67% of the homes
own at least two television sets, cable has penetrated 76% of the
5.6 million television households, according to Nielsen-SRT's second
quarterly Media Index Report released in July of 1996. It is receivable
in over 4.4 million homes and since 1994, the channel share of all
cable stations has surpassed the combined share of the three terrestrial
systems. As of June 1996, cable homes or cable individuals spent
two-thirds of their viewing time with cable. Certainly, the phenomenal
cable growth in Taiwan from 18% of market penetration in 1991 to
50% in 1993 and the current 76% coincides with the economic well-being
of the country.
Not
surprisingly, the cable industry has been considered a highly lucrative
market by both domestic and foreign investors. The Cable Law, however,
passed in August of 1993, explicitly outlawed foreign shareholding.
Cross-media ownership is disallowed between newspaper owners, free-to-air
broadcasters, and cable operators and programmers. Further regulations
restrict any shareholder to no more than 10% of the total assets
value.
Other
regulations focus more precisely on cable systems. In the area of
programming, for example, domestically produced programs must represent
at least 20% of the total programming hours. Nevertheless, in light
of the fact that the Cable Law is designed exclusively to bring
the system operators under control, cable programmers have often
tested the limit of the Law and frequently go their own way. The
constant power struggles between system operators and cable program
suppliers have left the GIO powerless most of the time.
In one area, however, the cable industry finally came under restriction
in the fall of 1994 after severe protests by the U.S. copyright
organizations. Cable operators engaged in extreme violations of
copyright laws, airing literally everything from movies to sitcoms
and variety shows without payment, which resulted in substantial
revenue loss to the program copyright owners. Under threat from
the U.S. government, authorities in Taiwan finally began an all-out
effort to crack down the illegal cable operators. The resulting
rising costs for program purchases drove some operators out of business
and contributed to a significant consolidation of cable systems
in recent years.
Financial
concerns also affect the terrestrial systems. Despite the fact that
all three are all financially dominated by the different government
offices, they are essentially commercial rather than public stations.
In 1995, they garnered 5% of the total NT $29.6 billion (or U.S.
$1.1 billion) advertising revenues, with TTV slightly edging ahead
of CTS by 3% and CTV by 6%. In the same year, television advertising
revenues accounted for approximately 40% of the total advertising
expenditures, topping newspapers by nearly 10%. With the significant
cable growth, 90% of the top 300 advertisers replied in a 1995 survey
that they were prepared to invest 15-20% of their advertising dollars
in cable.
Essentially,
the TV-advertising market has changed from a seller's market to
a buyer's market. The three terrestrial networks are predicted to
lose a quarter of net television advertising to other channels in
1997 and by 2005, less than half the net total will go to the terrestrial
systems. On the other hand, TV advertising is predicted to nearly
double between 1995 and 2000 to U.S. $1.8 billion, and will almost
triple to U.S. $2.7 billion in 2005. International advertisers dominate
the top 20 list of largest advertisers in Taiwan. Ford leads the
category with total annual billings of NT $1,592 million, followed
by Proctor & Gamble with NT $1.103 million, Toyota with NT $1,005
million and Mavibel, Kao, Matsushita, Hong Kong Shanghai Bank, AC
Johnson, and Nestle among the biggest spenders.
These
advertisers present their products in one of the most complex, multi-cultural
media environments in the world. In a country with a population
of 21 million, more than 180 satellite channels and 130 cable operators
compete for audiences. A typical cable household receives 70 channels,
all as part of the basic tier. In the movie category alone, more
than 12 channels show movies originating from the United States,
Spain, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, Russia, Japan, China,
Hong Kong, and other countries.
In
the face of this 70-channel environment, all regional satellite
channels have made "channel localization" an integral part of their
programming effort. They have created specific channel "identities"
related to specific Asian countries and regions. Such localization
has gone beyond the use of specific languages and has led regional
broadcasters to produce "locally correct" cable content by teaming
up with the local production entities or houses in the various Asian
countries. The Discovery Channel, HBO, ESPN, MTV, and Disney are
all prime examples of entities competing against these local cable
channels and their localized content. Much of the programming effort
by these "global" suppliers is in fact launched as an attempt to
use the Taiwan market as a test for eventual programming in China.
The
influx of new local and international cable channels is far from
over. For every type of channel already in place, another is in
formation. The Scholars' Corp. announced the launch of a 5-channel
package in May of 1996; a very popular local channel SanLi is preparing
for the release of its third channel; the Videoland Group is getting
ready for its fourth channel; and the general-interest Super Channel,
which came on the scene as late as October 1995, has added another
channel devoted to sports.
The
cable attraction has resulted in a large decline of viewership on
the three terrestrial networks. Even the 7:00-8:00 P.M. news hour
on the networks, dominant for almost three decades, is losing audience
share to cable. Individual ratings among all viewers age four and
above have generally declined among all program genres.
On the other hand, almost all regional satellite channels and cable
stations have steadily gained viewership and momentum. Cable's niche
programming orientation has led to the creation of many channels
with clearly definable audience profiles. When analyzed within target
audiences, some cable channel ratings even surpass those of the
three networks. The current television climate may be summarized
as follows: (1) A typical viewer spends an average of 2.2 hours
daily watching television. Individuals with cable spend more time
watching television than their non-cable counterparts. (2) "Program
loyalty" has replaced "channel loyalty" in describing the viewer's
logic of television choice. Viewers select specific programs and
move among channels to do so. (3) Related to this development, a
cable channel is recognized oftentimes because it carries a few
popular programs. It is "programs" which define the character of
any channel, not the channel itself, even for the 24-hour news channel.
(4) Prime time on cable is virtually 23 hours a day; the only hour
excluded is the 8:00-9:00 P.M. daily drama series time. (5) The
new television ecology has gradually given rise to new sales and
marketing concepts. Program suppliers can no longer emphasize the
reality of "how many" viewers are watching; instead, it is the determination
of "who" is watching that helps deliver the audience to the advertiser.
Behind
this multi-channel, multi-cultural viewing environment is a series
of questions baffling the policy-makers. The seemingly vast program
choice conceals the reality that programming homogeneity still outweighs
its heterogeneity. Not only are schedules for the three terrestrial
networks similar across all dayparts, the same high level of repetition
is also frequently observed within each cable channel and among
channels. One hundred and thirty cable operators spend a great deal
of money to buy channels only to find that such operations are virtually
the opposite of the principle of "natural monopoly" normally used
to describe the cable industry. The government is busy making cable
laws only to find that participants in the industry have invented
new games which defy the regulations. While new channels continue
to be rolled out on a monthly basis, new communication technologies
such as the Internet are aggressively pursued and applied by many
programmers to add to their marketing effort and competitive edge.
The television market in Taiwan is far from saturated. It is instead
loaded--with selection, repetition, excitement, energy, and challenges.
-Zoe
Tan
Baum,
Julian. "We Intercept This Broadcast: Taiwan Moves to Rein In Cable-TV
Operators." Far Eastern Economic Review (Hong Kong), 29 July
1993.
_______________. "Untangling the Wires." Far Eastern Economic
Review (Hong Kong), 27 October 1993.
Nielsen
SRG. Asia Pacific Television Channels. Shrub Oak, New York:
Baskerville Communications Corp., 1996.
_______________. Asia Pacific Television Revenues. Shrub Oak, New
York: Baskerville Communications Corp., 1996.